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KARACHI: NP chief terms army action in Balochistan 'a war'
KARACHI, July 24, 2006: Dr Hayee Baloch, chief of the Balochistan-based National Party, has accused the government of having waged a full-fledged
war against the Baloch people using modern weapons of destruction to turn the province into a colony to usurp its resources.
Describing the current situation as grim, Dr Hayee, a former senator, condemned the government's onslaught against the Baloch populace in the first
week of this month, saying it seemed as if Baloch people were not the citizens of Pakistan.
He deplored that hundreds of Baloch people in the Bugti and Marri areas had been targeted in the offensive, causing heavy casualties and
widespread destruction. Among the victims were women, children and elderly people, he said, adding that a large number of families had to flee their
ancestral lands to escape the military operation.
"It is barbarism and height of brutality unleashed on civilians by the military rulers," he said.
He accused the government of playing 'dirty tactics' by kidnapping and arresting Baloch activists. In this context, he named many prominent leaders,
and said even relatives of certain Baloch leaders were now being picked up who include Mir Murtaza Bugti (Nawab Akbar Khan Bugti's nephew), Bilal
Bugti (Senator Shahid Bugti's brother) and bothers of Senator Rauf Baloch.
The NP chief alleged that the rulers were doing this all "to loot and plunder the province's natural resources.
He expressed his astonishment over the government's resorting to describe the Baloch national struggle as a 'separatist movement' to discredit the
crusade.
The Baloch leader was of the view that under the guise of the terms 'terrorism' and 'separate movement', the government wanted to perpetuate its
dictatorial policies it had imposed on the people of Pakistan.
In fact, he claimed, these tactics were aimed at hiding their misdeeds and prolong their brutal rule. However, such tactics could not deter the Baloch
people from continuing their national struggle for their political and economic rights, denied by successive rulers.
He made it clear that Baloch people would never compromise on their legitimate right of self-governance.
Dr Hayee said there had been great resentment among the people of other provinces against the brutality being meted out to Baloch people by the
government.
He reiterated his party's stance that Balochistan issue, being purely a political one, could be solved only through political means.
Meanwhile, Chairman of the Baloch National Movement Mr Ghulam Mohammad Baloch, in a statement issued here on Thursday, also condemned the
'state terrorism' in Balochistan, saying that in the recent bombardment there, thousands of Baloch people, including women and children, had been
killed, and injured and made to flee their homes.
He appealed to the United Nations and other international organisations, as well as European countries, to help stop the atrocities being committed
by rulers against Baloch people.
http://indiamonitor.com/news/readNews.jsp?ni=179
HARDTalk: "Balochistan can only be resolved by either amending the Constitution or drafting a new social
contract" Dr. Abdul Hayee Baloch, Chairman National Party.
* The Baloch people believe that Islamabad is behind the terrorist acts taking place in the province
* Why is there a military presence in Balochistan and not in the areas where attacks have been carried out against
President Musharraf, Prime Minister Aziz and the Karachi corps commander?
* We have received neither adequate gas royalty payments nor economic benefits for our people
* The distribution of Balochistan’s natural resources is not Islamabad’s to make
* Local jobs must go to the local people
* The parliamentarians’ committee on Balochistan is too vague in its terms of reference
Dr. Abdul Hayee Baloch is a veteran politician from Balochistan. He is the chairman of the National Party, a new
political entity that emerged when the Balochistan National Movement merged with the Balochistan Democratic
Party.
Dr Baloch recently gave an exclusive interview to Daily Times’ Karachi editor, Sarfaraz Ahmed, for HardTalk column.
Following are the excerpts:
contract" Dr. Abdul Hayee Baloch, Chairman National Party.
* The Baloch people believe that Islamabad is behind the terrorist acts taking place in the province
* Why is there a military presence in Balochistan and not in the areas where attacks have been carried out against
President Musharraf, Prime Minister Aziz and the Karachi corps commander?
* We have received neither adequate gas royalty payments nor economic benefits for our people
* The distribution of Balochistan’s natural resources is not Islamabad’s to make
* Local jobs must go to the local people
* The parliamentarians’ committee on Balochistan is too vague in its terms of reference
Dr. Abdul Hayee Baloch is a veteran politician from Balochistan. He is the chairman of the National Party, a new
political entity that emerged when the Balochistan National Movement merged with the Balochistan Democratic
Party.
Dr Baloch recently gave an exclusive interview to Daily Times’ Karachi editor, Sarfaraz Ahmed, for HardTalk column.
Following are the excerpts:
Daily Times: How do you look at the Balochistan situation?
Abdul Hayee Baloch: Since the creation of this country, the people of Balochistan have been denied their political, economic and cultural rights; the right
of self-governance; and the right to control our area’s natural resources. We have no representation at the state level and no say in how the state
apparatus operates. In short, we are treated as third-class citizens and have been forced to live as if we were back in the Stone Age. Nowhere in the
country will you find this type of backwardness.
This is all the more unbelievable since, in terms of natural resources, Balochistan is the country’s richest province. Gas was discovered here in the early
1950s. From this time onwards, our gas reserves have enabled the government to save vast amounts of foreign exchange. And while the entire country
makes use of it, most of the houses here do not even have gas.
Apart from this, there are several current pressing concerns for the Baloch people. The first is the anticipated displacement of a large number of poor
locals. This is due to proposed re-settlement of a large number of non-locals to work on the construction of Gwadar Port and town as well as the Mekran
coastal highway projects. This is in direct violation of Islamabad’s assurances that job preference will be given to the people of Balochistan. The second
concern is the army’s setting up of three new cantonments in the province.
Ninety percent of the Gwadar population earns its living from fishing. Yet the population has been issued notices to move 15 to 30 kilometres from the
coast. This will jeopardise their livelihood. And as if this were not enough, the coastal belt from Jeewani to Ormara has been sold out to non-Baloch
people.
DT: Are you denying that Balochistan receives gas royalty?
AHB: We have not received adequate royalty payments for the natural gas found within the territory of Balochistan. We have also not received any
economic benefits for our people.
DT: Do you agree that any deals on natural resource royalties must fall under the ambit of the National Finance Commission Award which, in turn, falls
under the terms of the Constitution?
AHB: The 1973 Constitution has failed to protect the rights of smaller provinces. We have never been satisfied with this Constitution. In fact, I was one of
three MNAs from Balochistan who did not sign the constitution document. (The others were Khair Bux Marri and Jannifer Musa.)
With regards to the NFC Award, its calculations are based on population levels. Therefore, it represents a gross injustice to the people of Balochistan.
Instead, the NFC Award should be based on land mass, as was the case before the cessation of East Pakistan.
If the central government is not prepared to equitably distribute national resources at this juncture, then who knows what will happen to Balochistan. The
Baloch people and their elected leaders must be taken into confidence on all issues that concern them. The central government must treat us with the
respect that all citizens of the Federation deserve. We cannot be treated as a minority group. The decision on how to use or distribute Balochistan’s
natural resources is simply not Islamabad’s to make.
What I mean is that the entire coastal belt of Balochistan represents the heartbeat of the local people. Therefore, all coastal projects should be put under
the control of the province or the real government of Balochistan. Because as far as the present Baloch government is concerned, it is simply a product of
manipulated elections. And as such, it can never claim to be the true representatives of the Baloch people. Islamabad has no right to exert control over
the Balochistan coast and projects related to it.
DT: Is it not true that four MPAs from your own party won seats in the present Balochistan assembly as a result of the October 2002 elections?
AHB: Had there been free, fair and transparent elections, the number of people elected from our party would have been much larger. In fact, had there
been fair elections, we would also have had representation in both the National Assembly and the Senate.
DT: Let us turn again to the cantonment issue. What do you say to those who think you are overreacting to this issue?
AHB: I would first of all ask them to explain the need of setting up more cantonments in Balochistan.
The government says that more cantonments will generate economic activity as well as helping to secure important installations which are frequently
targeted by terrorists. But if we follow this rationale, how does the government explain the recent spate of violence that has resulted in acts of sabotage
against gas pipelines as well as attacks, involving the use of explosives and landmines, against staff employed for the protection of these pipelines?
The government was not able to protect the five Chinese nationals who were working on the Gwadar Port.
DT: What is your response to those who say these cantonments have been projected by the army in order to facilitate its apprehending of the remnants
of the Bin Laden and Taliban networks?
AHB: I have no knowledge about this. This is the first time I have heard about it.
But what I will say is that we doubt the government’s intentions. We fear the government has been strengthening army presence in the province in order
to crush the nationalist sentiment at any given moment.
The Baloch people believe that these terrorist acts are being engineered by the central government itself. Indeed, the people of Sindh also hold similar
fears regarding the terrorist activities being conducted in their areas.
For if the government is sincere in wanting to tackle the law and order situation in the country, then why is it not deploying troops and army personnel to
those areas already hit by a security deficit? We have seen two attempts on President Musharraf’s life, an attack on the Karachi corps commander’s
convoy and the assassination attempt against the then prime minister-designate, Shaukat Aziz. These acts of terrorism did not take place in Balochistan.
Yet instead of mobilising the army to the areas where these incidents took place, the government has engaged in undeclared military operations in
Balochistan, particularly in areas strongly dominated by the Balochs. Thus it is apparent that Islamabad is intent on treating Balochistan as a mere
colony.
DT: Will you not concede that the present law and order situation in Balochistan can be put down to the actions of local people, some of whom have
taken up arms to pose a direct challenge to the writ of the state in the province?
AHB: I admit that there already exists a lot of bitterness here because of Islamabad’s unjust policies vis-à-vis the people of Balochistan. The people here
are living in a state of perpetual fear. That is, in addition to having been deprived of their ownership rights and the right to self-governance in their own
areas, they now risk being turned into a minority in their own lands.
Also, let us not forget that there is an international dimension to the whole Gwadar issue. The port is of high strategic importance and involves
international interests. Unfortunately, I am not in a position to be able to say who is behind these attacks. It is the responsibility of the government and its
agencies to identify foreign elements if, indeed, they are involved in Balochistan’s security deficit.
DT: What about the organisation that calls itself the Balochistan Liberation Army and has admitted to attacking state interest?
AHB: I do not know who this group is.
DT: What do you say to the fact that army action was launched during Sardar Akbar Bugti’s governorship?
AHB: The decision to launch army action can never be taken by a governor or chief minister alone. The order has to come from Islamabad.
DT: Would you say your anger is based on the belief that Islamabad has betrayed the Baloch people?
AHB: We have been telling the people of Balochistan that the development projects the government talks about will not materialise in this part of the
country. We have also warned the people that the government is endeavouring to settle non-locals in this area, depriving the Baloch people of the job
opportunities generated from the mega projects. In short, we are warning the people that the government aims to turn the Baloch majority into a minority
in this province.
DT: What steps must the government take to win your confidence?
AHB: They must take us into full confidence. If the government is sincere about the development of this province, then its priority should be to ensure that
jobs go to the local people of Gwadar and Mekran Division. The majority of our youth is already unemployed and languishing in poverty. Yet, the
government is intent on giving jobs to non-locals.
DT: How do you answer the allegation that the nationalists themselves are to blame for the backwardness of Balochistan since they did nothing for the
advancement of the province when they were in power?
AHB: It is not true that the nationalists did nothing for this province. Remember, the National Awami Party (NAP) government lasted only for nine months.
Although we had other governments that had nationalist representation, these were at a lower level than the NAP. Nevertheless, they still managed to do
a lot for the welfare of the Baloch people.
DT: What, in your opinion, can be done to improve Balochistan’s economic situation?
AHB: First of all, just look at our land. 60 to 70 percent of this is virgin land. We could easily make most of it cultivable. But instead, the government is
reportedly allocating billions of rupees for the construction of three cantonments. These funds could be used to build reservoirs to contain rainwater.
According to estimates, we are wasting 10 to 14 milion-acres feet of rainwater every year simply because we do not have reservoirs. Secondly,
investment in livestock would also help improve Balochistan’s economy.
DT: But isn’t there a political process in place? Is there not a government in Balochistan?
AHB: As I have said before, the present Balochistan government is the product of manipulated elections. These are not the real representatives of the
Baloch people. The Pakhtoon community, led by the Pakhtoonkhawah Milli Awami Party, is with us.
DT: The government, including President Musharraf’s key aide Tariq Aziz, has been making contact with the Baloch nationalists. Indeed, one of your
leaders, Sanaullah Zahri, recently held a private meeting with the corps commander. This has led the Baloch people to fear that the nationalist
leadership is cutting a behind-the-scenes deal with Islamabad. What do you say to this?
AHB: It is true that Mr Zahri met the corps commander without taking other party leaders into confidence. He was wrong to do this. And even though he
has explained to us that he held the meeting in his personal capacity, I believe he should not have gone ahead with it. Given the current situation, it was a
misguided decision.
DT: Do you think that Mir Zafarullah Khan Jamali’s appointment as prime minister reduced the sense of deprivation among the Baloch people?
AHB: No, this has not been the case. A true leader and representative is someone who doesn’t compromise on his peoples’ inherent rights and
interests. Both Jamali and Jam are simple opportunists, ready to jump on any bandwagon.
DT: How do you view the formation of the parliamentarians’ committee on Balochistan, headed by former prime minister Chaudhry Shujaat Hussain?
AHB:The committee’s terms of reference are so vague that I see it as nothing more than mere lip-service.
The plight of Balochistan can only be resolved by introducing amendments to the Constitution. And by this I mean one of two things: we either introduce
major constitutional amendments which would empower the people of Balochistan to control Gwadar Port and the province’s other resources; or else
we draft a new social contract (a new constitution). But we have to carry out one of these two options. Because the committee, with its limited terms of
reference, will fail to eradicate the root causes of Balochistan’s problems. *
Source: http://www.dailytimes.com.pk/?page=story_4-10-2004_pg3_5
Abdul Hayee Baloch: Since the creation of this country, the people of Balochistan have been denied their political, economic and cultural rights; the right
of self-governance; and the right to control our area’s natural resources. We have no representation at the state level and no say in how the state
apparatus operates. In short, we are treated as third-class citizens and have been forced to live as if we were back in the Stone Age. Nowhere in the
country will you find this type of backwardness.
This is all the more unbelievable since, in terms of natural resources, Balochistan is the country’s richest province. Gas was discovered here in the early
1950s. From this time onwards, our gas reserves have enabled the government to save vast amounts of foreign exchange. And while the entire country
makes use of it, most of the houses here do not even have gas.
Apart from this, there are several current pressing concerns for the Baloch people. The first is the anticipated displacement of a large number of poor
locals. This is due to proposed re-settlement of a large number of non-locals to work on the construction of Gwadar Port and town as well as the Mekran
coastal highway projects. This is in direct violation of Islamabad’s assurances that job preference will be given to the people of Balochistan. The second
concern is the army’s setting up of three new cantonments in the province.
Ninety percent of the Gwadar population earns its living from fishing. Yet the population has been issued notices to move 15 to 30 kilometres from the
coast. This will jeopardise their livelihood. And as if this were not enough, the coastal belt from Jeewani to Ormara has been sold out to non-Baloch
people.
DT: Are you denying that Balochistan receives gas royalty?
AHB: We have not received adequate royalty payments for the natural gas found within the territory of Balochistan. We have also not received any
economic benefits for our people.
DT: Do you agree that any deals on natural resource royalties must fall under the ambit of the National Finance Commission Award which, in turn, falls
under the terms of the Constitution?
AHB: The 1973 Constitution has failed to protect the rights of smaller provinces. We have never been satisfied with this Constitution. In fact, I was one of
three MNAs from Balochistan who did not sign the constitution document. (The others were Khair Bux Marri and Jannifer Musa.)
With regards to the NFC Award, its calculations are based on population levels. Therefore, it represents a gross injustice to the people of Balochistan.
Instead, the NFC Award should be based on land mass, as was the case before the cessation of East Pakistan.
If the central government is not prepared to equitably distribute national resources at this juncture, then who knows what will happen to Balochistan. The
Baloch people and their elected leaders must be taken into confidence on all issues that concern them. The central government must treat us with the
respect that all citizens of the Federation deserve. We cannot be treated as a minority group. The decision on how to use or distribute Balochistan’s
natural resources is simply not Islamabad’s to make.
What I mean is that the entire coastal belt of Balochistan represents the heartbeat of the local people. Therefore, all coastal projects should be put under
the control of the province or the real government of Balochistan. Because as far as the present Baloch government is concerned, it is simply a product of
manipulated elections. And as such, it can never claim to be the true representatives of the Baloch people. Islamabad has no right to exert control over
the Balochistan coast and projects related to it.
DT: Is it not true that four MPAs from your own party won seats in the present Balochistan assembly as a result of the October 2002 elections?
AHB: Had there been free, fair and transparent elections, the number of people elected from our party would have been much larger. In fact, had there
been fair elections, we would also have had representation in both the National Assembly and the Senate.
DT: Let us turn again to the cantonment issue. What do you say to those who think you are overreacting to this issue?
AHB: I would first of all ask them to explain the need of setting up more cantonments in Balochistan.
The government says that more cantonments will generate economic activity as well as helping to secure important installations which are frequently
targeted by terrorists. But if we follow this rationale, how does the government explain the recent spate of violence that has resulted in acts of sabotage
against gas pipelines as well as attacks, involving the use of explosives and landmines, against staff employed for the protection of these pipelines?
The government was not able to protect the five Chinese nationals who were working on the Gwadar Port.
DT: What is your response to those who say these cantonments have been projected by the army in order to facilitate its apprehending of the remnants
of the Bin Laden and Taliban networks?
AHB: I have no knowledge about this. This is the first time I have heard about it.
But what I will say is that we doubt the government’s intentions. We fear the government has been strengthening army presence in the province in order
to crush the nationalist sentiment at any given moment.
The Baloch people believe that these terrorist acts are being engineered by the central government itself. Indeed, the people of Sindh also hold similar
fears regarding the terrorist activities being conducted in their areas.
For if the government is sincere in wanting to tackle the law and order situation in the country, then why is it not deploying troops and army personnel to
those areas already hit by a security deficit? We have seen two attempts on President Musharraf’s life, an attack on the Karachi corps commander’s
convoy and the assassination attempt against the then prime minister-designate, Shaukat Aziz. These acts of terrorism did not take place in Balochistan.
Yet instead of mobilising the army to the areas where these incidents took place, the government has engaged in undeclared military operations in
Balochistan, particularly in areas strongly dominated by the Balochs. Thus it is apparent that Islamabad is intent on treating Balochistan as a mere
colony.
DT: Will you not concede that the present law and order situation in Balochistan can be put down to the actions of local people, some of whom have
taken up arms to pose a direct challenge to the writ of the state in the province?
AHB: I admit that there already exists a lot of bitterness here because of Islamabad’s unjust policies vis-à-vis the people of Balochistan. The people here
are living in a state of perpetual fear. That is, in addition to having been deprived of their ownership rights and the right to self-governance in their own
areas, they now risk being turned into a minority in their own lands.
Also, let us not forget that there is an international dimension to the whole Gwadar issue. The port is of high strategic importance and involves
international interests. Unfortunately, I am not in a position to be able to say who is behind these attacks. It is the responsibility of the government and its
agencies to identify foreign elements if, indeed, they are involved in Balochistan’s security deficit.
DT: What about the organisation that calls itself the Balochistan Liberation Army and has admitted to attacking state interest?
AHB: I do not know who this group is.
DT: What do you say to the fact that army action was launched during Sardar Akbar Bugti’s governorship?
AHB: The decision to launch army action can never be taken by a governor or chief minister alone. The order has to come from Islamabad.
DT: Would you say your anger is based on the belief that Islamabad has betrayed the Baloch people?
AHB: We have been telling the people of Balochistan that the development projects the government talks about will not materialise in this part of the
country. We have also warned the people that the government is endeavouring to settle non-locals in this area, depriving the Baloch people of the job
opportunities generated from the mega projects. In short, we are warning the people that the government aims to turn the Baloch majority into a minority
in this province.
DT: What steps must the government take to win your confidence?
AHB: They must take us into full confidence. If the government is sincere about the development of this province, then its priority should be to ensure that
jobs go to the local people of Gwadar and Mekran Division. The majority of our youth is already unemployed and languishing in poverty. Yet, the
government is intent on giving jobs to non-locals.
DT: How do you answer the allegation that the nationalists themselves are to blame for the backwardness of Balochistan since they did nothing for the
advancement of the province when they were in power?
AHB: It is not true that the nationalists did nothing for this province. Remember, the National Awami Party (NAP) government lasted only for nine months.
Although we had other governments that had nationalist representation, these were at a lower level than the NAP. Nevertheless, they still managed to do
a lot for the welfare of the Baloch people.
DT: What, in your opinion, can be done to improve Balochistan’s economic situation?
AHB: First of all, just look at our land. 60 to 70 percent of this is virgin land. We could easily make most of it cultivable. But instead, the government is
reportedly allocating billions of rupees for the construction of three cantonments. These funds could be used to build reservoirs to contain rainwater.
According to estimates, we are wasting 10 to 14 milion-acres feet of rainwater every year simply because we do not have reservoirs. Secondly,
investment in livestock would also help improve Balochistan’s economy.
DT: But isn’t there a political process in place? Is there not a government in Balochistan?
AHB: As I have said before, the present Balochistan government is the product of manipulated elections. These are not the real representatives of the
Baloch people. The Pakhtoon community, led by the Pakhtoonkhawah Milli Awami Party, is with us.
DT: The government, including President Musharraf’s key aide Tariq Aziz, has been making contact with the Baloch nationalists. Indeed, one of your
leaders, Sanaullah Zahri, recently held a private meeting with the corps commander. This has led the Baloch people to fear that the nationalist
leadership is cutting a behind-the-scenes deal with Islamabad. What do you say to this?
AHB: It is true that Mr Zahri met the corps commander without taking other party leaders into confidence. He was wrong to do this. And even though he
has explained to us that he held the meeting in his personal capacity, I believe he should not have gone ahead with it. Given the current situation, it was a
misguided decision.
DT: Do you think that Mir Zafarullah Khan Jamali’s appointment as prime minister reduced the sense of deprivation among the Baloch people?
AHB: No, this has not been the case. A true leader and representative is someone who doesn’t compromise on his peoples’ inherent rights and
interests. Both Jamali and Jam are simple opportunists, ready to jump on any bandwagon.
DT: How do you view the formation of the parliamentarians’ committee on Balochistan, headed by former prime minister Chaudhry Shujaat Hussain?
AHB:The committee’s terms of reference are so vague that I see it as nothing more than mere lip-service.
The plight of Balochistan can only be resolved by introducing amendments to the Constitution. And by this I mean one of two things: we either introduce
major constitutional amendments which would empower the people of Balochistan to control Gwadar Port and the province’s other resources; or else
we draft a new social contract (a new constitution). But we have to carry out one of these two options. Because the committee, with its limited terms of
reference, will fail to eradicate the root causes of Balochistan’s problems. *
Source: http://www.dailytimes.com.pk/?page=story_4-10-2004_pg3_5