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The Baloch National Question.

BR Monitor

Tucked away in the southwestern corner of Pakistan, and under the long shadow of the Pakistan Army, lies the
province of Balochistan. Just about 350,000 square kilometers of desert and barren mountains are skirted by a
long stretch of rocky coastline.

A few snow-fed streams rising in the far north disappear quickly into this sun-baked land, and scattered
stretches of juniper forests are enclosed in the higher vales. Over six million inhabitants are strewn across
Balochistan’s vast and diverse countryside. For centuries they have lived under the tribal organization, ruled by
different Sardars, chief among them being the Khan of Kalat.

This Khan headed a confederacy of tribes from the seventeenth century onwards and represented Balochistan
in negotiations with Ahmad Shah Abdali of Afghanistan, with the invading British, and with the creators of
Pakistan. Quetta, which now serves as the capital of Balochistan, was also part of the Khan’s territory. The
betrayals and manipulations by the Pakistanis in integrating Balochistan into the new country have been the
cause of numerous uprisings led by the Baloch people ever since.

“Mohammed Ali Jinnah and his grand colleagues, in whose hands the English have given the Government,
wish to enslave our dear homeland, every inch of which was secured by our forefathers at the cost of
blood. We are not prepared to be unworthy sons of our ancestors, we are resolved to fight for every inch of
our homeland to maintain its freedom”.-Prince Abdul Karim Khan of Kalat

Ethnicity and Language

The population of Balochistan is divided into three linguistic groups: Baloch, Brahuvi, and Pashtun. The Brahuvi
language is said to be similar to southern Indian language groups and is claimed to be the remnant of the
ancient civilization that lay along the Indus and Saraswati river systems. Racially however the Brahuvi-speaking
tribes have no connection with South India.

The Balochi language is related to ancient Persian while the Baloch-speaking tribes are regarded to be Turko-
Iranian in ethnicity. In search of better pastures they moved into their present homes between the fourth and
sixteenth centuries. Here they have intermingled with the other groups and have lived peacefully alongside
them. From the hundreds of tribes and sub-tribes, four large states emerged, viz. Kalat, Makran, Lasbela, and
Kharan.

The Pashtu-speakers are described as ethnically Indo-Aryans and original inhabitants of the Takht-i-Sulaiman
range in Afghanistan. Over the centuries they migrated north, east, and south and created a bloc of land, which
is referred to fondly as Pashtunistan. Clear-cut categories like Turko-Iranian, Indo-Aryan, Dravidian, etc. are a
legacy of the British Raj. Propelled by a search for their own origins, 18th and 19h century Europeans developed
a strong desire for “racial profiling”, a trend continued by the successor state of Pakistan. The latter have gone
on a tangent, attributing an Arab origin to the Baloch and … hold your breath … a Jewish origin to the Pashtun!
The Pashtun are fondly believed to be the 13th lost tribe of Israel, which migrated eastwards from its original
home. Whether this claim will subdue the problematic demand for a Pashtun homeland is another matter!

In fact whether it is Baloch or Pashtun ethno-nationalism, the struggle for independence or autonomy on this
basis is ill advised. In the South Asian context pure tribes or races are non-existent and an illustration of this fact
is found in Balochistan itself. Consider the Raisani tribe of Bolan district. Ethnically they are described as
Pashtun but they speak the Brahuvi language and consider themselves to be of Brahuvi-Baloch stock! Similarly
the Jamoot are a Jat tribe also found in Sindh, but in the Nasirabad district of Balochistan they speak both
Sindhi and Balochi and claim to be of Baloch stock. The Kakars of Jaffrabad district is a Pashtun tribe but they
speak the Sindhi language. Then there are variations within languages. The Balochi spoken in Gwadar is less
Persianised than that spoken in Panjgur or Kech. And there are large pockets of Sindhi and Seraiki speaking
groups in the districts bordering Sindh and Punjab.

With the difficulties of drawing ethnic or linguistic boundaries apparent, there is also the issue of relations
between these different groups. For centuries different tribes have migrated and settled down and mingled with
the original residents of a region. While the Pashtun and Baloch press southwards, the Brahuvi and Jamoot
move north and west along the coast, from the pressure of population growth or in search of jobs, fresh
pastures, etc… The one serious issue in the last two decades has been the surge in the Pashtun population
as a result of the Afghan conflict and by the policies of various governments in Islamabad.

Seeds of Nationalism

The late 17th Century saw interesting turns in the history of South and West Asia. With the Mughals engaged in
a life or death struggle against the Marathas and Rajputs, the power of Hindustan was on the wane. While in
the west the relentless advance of Iran could not hide the internal weaknesses of the Safavid dynasty. At this
crucial period the Baloch states were locked into a confederacy by the Brahuvi-Baloch Khans of Kalat. For the
first time in their history the inhabitants of Balochistan began to see themselves as a nation that could negotiate
on equal terms with outside powers. Both the Durranis of Kabul and the British accorded the Khans of Kalat a
respect usually reserved for equals and treated the Baloch as an autonomous, if not independent, nation.

The Baloch thus have the unique distinction of achieving political unity long before people living in other parts of
South Asia … a feat made more remarkable by their lack of exposure, at that time, to modern thinking and
education. Under British influence the Khans introduced limited democracy and basic communication links but
the full force of modernization that changed the face of South Asia did not reach Balochistan.

The British also marked out the physical borders of Balochistan but betrayed the Khan of Kalat by parceling out
some Baloch land to other provinces and even to other countries. Their last act of betrayal was meted out to all
the Princes and Chiefs in South Asia when the latter were advised to merge their states into either of the two
new dominions of India and Pakistan. Like some of the other Chiefs, the Khan of Kalat too remained deluded
into believing that he could now declare himself independent.

Colonization

In 1947 the colonial era came to a formal end in South Asia as a whole. For Balochistan and North West
Frontier Province (NWFP) however a far more severe period of foreign domination was at hand. It would seem
inevitable when one considers the fact that the creator of Pakistan, Mohammed Ali Jinnah, was at that time also
the legal advisor to the state of Kalat! Jinnah and his Muslim League played a game of incredible deceit and
cunning. They relished the thought of several autonomous states making India an unviable country and hence
supported the rights of the rulers in declaring independence.

Yet when the Khan of Kalat dutifully declared his own independence the Quaid-e-Azam pressed him to merge
his state with Pakistan in the light of the threat from the rapidly expanding Soviet Union. The Khan felt the
pressure but shifted the onus to his Parliament as representing the Baloch people. The Parliament rejected the
idea and sent their decision to the Pakistan foreign office. Subsequently Jinnah motored up to the town of Sibi
where he again pressed the Khan to merge his state with Pakistan … this time in the “cause of Islam and
Pakistan”.

To hasten the merger process, the Pakistanis divided the old Baloch confederacy and forced the individual
states and tribes to join the new country. To suppress the outrage among the Baloch, the army in Quetta was
used to initiate a police action while members of the Kalat Parliament were arrested or hounded into exile.
Barely had the disquiet at this usurpation died down when the one-unit system was introduced into West
Pakistan and all the provinces were amalgamated into one. The nominal existence of Pakistan’s princely states
came to an abrupt end while once again the army moved in to arrest the Khan of Kalat, using tanks and artillery
to overawe the resistance from the Baloch tribesmen.

The Struggle for Identity

In 1970 Balochistan was finally given the status of a province and the direct rule from the centre outwardly came
to an end. The newly-elected Baloch nationalists intended to redeem the injustices heaped on their people for
the last quarter century and change the foreign domination of their province’s administration and economy.

Unfortunately this noble intention did not fit in well with the new civilian rulers of Pakistan. Having been an
eyewitness to (and participant in) the events leading to the creation of Bangladesh, Zulfikar Ali Bhutto regarded
any attempt at self-governance as the first sign of separatism. Ironically it was the provincial government that
first provoked a local rebellion by attempting to bring the tribal areas under administrative control. Using this
unrest as an excuse Bhutto (the cries of Bengali dissidence still ringing in his ears) dismissed the first elected
government of Balochistan and sent the army in to crush the unrest. This rash decision only helped the cause
of Baloch nationalism. Sinking their tribal feuds for once the inhabitants of the province, rich or poor, educated
or backward, all joined hands to oppose the invaders.

The civil war lasted five years and consumed thousands of lives on both sides. The reasons for its ultimate
demise will be discussed later. In 1978 the new military rulers of Pakistan could finally declare that the Baloch
insurgency had come to an end. However their heavy deployment in the province did not end since they were
now involved in the American war against the Soviet Union in neighboring Afghanistan. The fallout from that
conflict forever changed the face of Balochistan and brought in new challenges for Baloch society.

Society and Economy

The tribal system has existed in Balochistan for centuries. Under the pressure of modernization, improved
communications, and education, the tribal bonds should become loose and ultimately disappear. However this
has not happened and actually the tribes have become stronger. To quote from Robert Kaplan’s recent article

“The tribes are large social-welfare networks… the government wants to destroy the tribal system but there are
no institutions to replace it…”

The events of the last twenty years have ensured that this statement will remain true for a long time to come. It is
important to discuss the following regional factors and their interaction with tribal politics.

1) The drugs trade and the proliferation of arms

The creation and legitimization of a terror economy is the dubious gift from the Pakistani state to the tribesmen.
Basic and advanced weaponry that was liberally distributed for short-term objectives has been reverse-
engineered, and huge piles of cheap but effective copies have been available for some time. The private armies
of the Sardars are laced with such lethal firepower as to consider themselves as practically independent
entities, free to make war on whomever and whenever they like. The traditional cohesiveness of society has
hardened and the emergence of new ideas and movements has been put on hold.

The terror economy was financed by an unregulated money market and by the scourge of the drugs trade. The
Baloch neither grow opium nor do they refine it into heroin. They are present only at the low-end transport
portion of this business and get a pittance from its enormous turnover. Moreover the Baloch have had to pay the
price in their vulnerable youth becoming addicts themselves, creating further social tension, and facing a bleak
future.

2) Migrations

For lack of employment opportunities in their own province, the people of Balochistan migrate to the big cities of
Sindh and Punjab, and even overseas to the Gulf and Africa, in search of livelihood. It is estimated that close to
40% of the population of Balochistan permanently reside outside its borders, and the majority of these are men.
Internal migration is also substantial, but in this case entire families shift with the seasons or in search of
water. While important for the Baloch economy, these migrants are often used as carriers for drugs and other
smuggled items.

3) Relations with Sindh

Balochistan’s relations with its southern neighbor have been generally friendly. Peoples from both sides settle
down and work in each other’s provinces, and this process has been going on for centuries. Prior to the British
takeover Baloch tribes like the Kalhoras and the Talpurs had established states within Sindh, and yet this did
not cause animosity between the rulers and the ruled. The Baloch embraced the local language and culture
and did not drain away the wealth of Sindh to their original homes.

Unfortunately later rulers did not live up to these standards. Facing oppression from these rulers, some people
in Sindh, Balochistan and NWFP have joined hands to form the Pakistan Oppressed Nationalities Movement
(PONM) aimed at securing the rights of ethnic minorities and justice for the provinces they inhabit. While there
are groupings that resort to bombings and other violent methods, there seems to be an uneasy peace
prevailing in Balochistan for reasons described below.

Balochistan at a Crossroad

In the post 9/11 world, a struggle for their rights will pit the people of Balochistan against a trigger-happy army
on the hunt for “terrorists”. The religious parties may term such a struggle as anti-Islam and the Pashtuns may
be egged on to act against their provincial brethren. The Americans would not want to upset Musharraf’s apple
cart and they would turn a blind eye to his jackboots crushing the insurgents. In fact certain American agencies
and individuals with decades-old links with the Pakistan Army may even supply intelligence and surveillance aid
to their friends in such a conflict. With Afghanistan also under the American grip, only covert aid can be expected
from that government.

That leaves Iran and India. The former country may only accept an autonomous province of Balochistan, while
the logic of terrain and low population on the border confines them to providing covert aid. An all-out Indo-Pak
war can create the conditions for an independent Balochistan but neither country is prepared for such a conflict.
The ten-month mobilization by India kept the Pakistan Army engaged for a while but this strategy cannot be
extended into years, for an insurgency will take that long to bear fruit.

While an armed insurgency usually destroys the local economy and leaves the population bruised and battered
for years, the people have little choice. The proliferation of arms, assault rifles, RPGs, and even artillery in the
hands of the tribes means that even a civil demonstration will degenerate into shootouts and bombings. With
an opponent like the Pakistan Army, given its bloody record in this province, as also in Bangladesh and Gilgit,
civil war will not be long in coming.

On the bright side Pakistan is now under the spotlight for its role in international jihad. Activities in Pakistani
provinces can no longer be hidden away in some academic journals, they will make the headlines and tough
questions will be asked if its army acts with a heavy hand.

The Pakistan Army

In the frontier regions of Balochistan and NWFP the British Raj was merely a military occupation. There was
little development on the socio-economic front; the infrastructure was built to sustain the British Indian Army;
and all the expenditure was explained away as being in the larger interests of the Empire. The Pakistan Army
inherited and faithfully continued these principles of a dead empire. While the tribal populace had broadly
supported the demands of their Muslim brethren in India, this support did not extend to the prospect of being
dumped into a unitary state with them. The founders of Pakistan still hoped that such support could be
sustained in building a new nation, with Islam breaking down the barriers of ethnicity and language. On the
other side Afghanistan, happy to see the British leave, was annoyed at the prospect of another state continuing
to cement the artificially drawn Durand Line.

With the lack of civil administration and a viable middle-class (which could support the administration’s law and
order efforts) the Pakistani rulers had to rely on the Army to pacify these regions, as in the time of the British.
This Army utilized extremism and the call to jihad, and turned some of this tribal populace towards Pakistan’s
first war against India in J&K.

In later decades while Afghanistan attempted to help these tribes with money and arms, the Pakistan Army
finally took over the state of Pakistan. With the assured support of western powers, the Army rode roughshod
over the democratic rights of their people, over their desire to end the suffocating grasp of the traditional landed
elite, and over the aspirations of the different ethno-linguistic groups for equal treatment. Their brazenly racist
attitude towards the Bengali majority led to the birth of a new nation and created the first major crisis of identity
for Pakistan.

India, which had played a supportive and later interventionist role in creating Bangladesh, was keen to carry
forward the process of Pakistan’s break-up, and thus offered the Balochis some assistance. The unrest in
Balochistan had continued throughout the pre-71 period, and now reached the stage of a civil war under the
Baloch People’s Liberation Front (BPLF) and the Baloch Student Organization (BSO), with the Mengal and Marri
tribes providing the leadership.

1) Tactics of the Pakistan Army

Pakistan under the leadership of Zulfikar Ali Bhutto unleashed hell on Balochistan. Entire tribes were driven out
of their homes, crops and orchards were burnt, livestock was stolen, and examples were made of the young
leaders of the revolt. Having played a central role in bringing the US and China together against the Soviet
Union, Pakistan could count on western support to crush this revolt. Help also came from Shah of Iran, a
western proxy, keen to prevent the outbreak affecting his Baloch population. When these strong-arm methods
failed the Army changed track and enforced an economic blockade of the disaffected tribes. While financial
support continued from Afghanistan, the difficulties of the terrain made the job of isolating the Baloch insurgents
easier.

2) Domicile Policy

Under the domicile policy any outsider can live, and own land, in Balochistan if that person is there for reasons
of work or marriage. This policy allowed the establishment to settle large numbers of outsiders, usually ex-
servicemen, in sensitive areas to keep the locals in check. A similar policy is followed in other remote areas
and usually Punjabis with their large population gain the maximum from this.

3) Development Carrot

The Army also began infrastructure projects like roads and bridges to develop the economy of the region. In the
same breath they also promised to end the inequities of the Sardari system, promising new freedoms and
opportunities to the Baloch youth. However these moves were purely self-serving. The building of roads opened
up the hitherto inaccessible remote areas and provided the Army access to the militant strongholds. And the
hypocritical promise to end the domination of Sardars was meant to deprive the movement of its natural leaders
and to create divisions among the moderate and militant elements of that movement.

On the diplomatic front also Pakistan and Iran together convinced Afghanistan to end its overt support to the
Baloch, while India under the Janata Party government also revised its position on the matter and sought to
better relations with its neighbors. The Pakistan Army on the other hand began a dangerous new project to
control its Pashtun population and intervene in the affairs of its northern neighbor.

The rise of a communist government in Afghanistan, the training of Pashtun rebels by Pakistan, and the
resulting intervention by the Soviet Union are topics outside the scope of this article. But the tactics of the
Pakistan Army now received support from the West and the Arab world. The call to jihad, recruitment of the
young tribal through madrassas, and the legitimization of the drugs and arms trade, provided the firepower
needed to take on the Soviets.

While the Arab states and the US were egged on by the Pakistani promise of Islamist insurgencies spreading
throughout the Soviet-controlled Central Asia, the Pakistanis had ambitions of controlling Afghanistan through
the Pashtun populace. The Pashtuns within Pakistan were filled with the fervor of jihad, a strategy that also
controlled their nationalist feelings.

The Religious Parties

Tribal culture and Islam have co-existed and have become intermingled over the centuries. The passion for
religion among the Baloch, the Pashtun, and others is legendary. However the modern forms of Islam, the
Wahhabi and Deobandi ideologies, have largely been imposed on the tribes. It is no surprise that while support
for the religious parties is highest in Balochistan, FATA, and NWFP; their offices, financial base, and seminaries
are all located in Punjab and large cities in other provinces. Religious extremism has been a handy tool for the
Pakistan Army and its agencies to control the tribal population and to utilize their energy in obtaining strategic
gains. This policy has not been abandoned even in the post-September 11th world.

1) Musharraf at the Helm

After the strategic debacle of Kargil, the military finally overthrew the pretence of a domestic civilian government.
All this while the civilians had been tolerated as long as they did not question: the Army’s strategic objectives,
the defense budget, the Army’s commercial enterprises, and the terror economy. Musharraf, with his hardcore
Deobandi background, decided to formalize the role of the Army in the Pakistan State. He took inspiration from
the Turkish and Chinese models and was supported in his plans by his country’s elite and by some in the west.

Musharraf’s seven-point agenda was dominated by a desire to strengthen Pakistan’s economy and furiously
catch-up with India, of course without abandoning the Army’s “strategic objectives”. The Army was to be used as
a cost-effective and time-efficient developer of infrastructure, especially in the remote areas. The Army would
also hunt down and bring to book those who had looted the country’s wealth, the politicians, the bureaucrats,
and the businessmen. The institutionalized corruption within the Army would of course remain out of public
scrutiny. These plans of General Musharraf were changed forever by 9/11.

2) The Pashtun Upsurge

After September 11, 2001 with an American gun held to his head, the General ended overt support to the
Taliban and acquiesced in the use of his country by the American forces. Covert support however continued and
included: providing sanctuary to the Taliban, reorganizing their forces to conduct a guerrilla war against the new
Afghan government, and providing covering fire and guidance to their cross-border activity.

However, these tactics would not soothe the intense anger among the tribesmen. Elections in those fiercely
anti-American times could only have had one result, and it was a result to Musharraf’s liking. The victory of the
religious parties in Balochistan and NWFP meant that the General could throw his hands up and refuse to take
strong action against the Taliban supporters or permit US forces to chase them from across the border in hot
pursuit. There is evidence to indicate Musharraf’s complicity in the religious parties’ election campaign and their
shrill sloganeering against the US and Pakistan governments. Musharraf was not bothered by these
campaigns since he was never going to face the electorate! The only votes he needed were from the foreign
masters and from his Corps Commanders. The ascendancy of the MMA also acted as a safety valve to defuse
Pashtun anger. The intense tribal feelings of brotherhood with the Taliban, with Osama, with anyone who
opposed the Americans, were overcome by the far more shrill and outrageous religious extremism.

The strong showing of the MMA in Balochistan came as a result of the Pashtun vote in key constituencies.
However to some extent, even the Baloch share the Pashtun anger at perceived American hypocrisy. The twin
tactics of using the religious parties to control the tribesmen and to warn off the Americans look set to continue,
while the Pakistan Army can freely carry out operations against whosoever it chooses and simply portray them
as Taliban or Al-Qaeda terrorists.

Geography & Strategic Interests

A majestic plateau that separates the civilizations of India and Iran, Balochistan has a geography which is both
a blessing and a curse. Vast stretches of desert and mountain ranges that cut across the province at every step
have deterred outside powers from occupying this land. The absence of water and the arid climate have
hindered the movements of large armies but at the same time have also prevented the growth and progress of
the population, which has remained in the tribal mode for centuries.

The difficult terrain and scattered population allowed the individual tribes to maintain their distinct identity and
fight off foreign invaders. This has also been a major cause of the disunity and infighting among the Baloch. In
that age when there were no roads or bridges; when travel and trade between population centers took weeks, if
not months; security and safety were the responsibility of large armies lodged in strong forts. Such forts had to
be built at a strategically important place. In this border between South and Central Asia, that place was
Kandahar.

The vast army in this fort fought off foreign invaders, provided protection to trade caravans, and collected tribute
from the tribes in the neighborhood. With no comparable stronghold nearby, whoever held this fort dominated
the tribes, and controlled the routes between India and Iran. The pressure of this army was felt keenly by the
mostly Pashtun tribes that lived in the neighborhood of Kandahar but even the Baloch had to deal with Iran and
Afghanistan, who successively held this fort from the 17th Century onwards.

While losing the fort to the Durranis of Kabul, the rulers of Iran who were consolidating their hold on the islands
of the Persian Gulf also kept a keen eye on western Balochistan. However the states and tribes in the Kalat
confederacy were mostly left alone by these outside powers. All this changed when the Khan of Kalat was
forced to lease Quetta to the British. Keen to safeguard Sindh and prevent the expansion of the Russian
Empire, the British needed a base close to the Afghan border to maintain their influence on that country. Thus
the development of Quetta into a large military cantonment, and the building of a road and rail network from the
plains, created a stronghold rivaling Kandahar. The Pashtun tribes formerly controlled from that Afghan fort now
passed under the British influence, a fact formalized in a treaty with the ruler of Afghanistan. Thus controlled
from Quetta, they became part of Balochistan and created the present ethnic mix of that province.

All this was part of the “Great Game” between the Russian and British Empires. Another part of this contest was
the British wooing of Persia to their side, which resulted in the formal cession of some Baloch territory to Iran.
This territory, formerly Western Balochistan, is now called Seistan-Balochistan and has its administrative
capital in Zahedan. The problems of these tribes, particularly the alleged suppression of their culture, are some
cause of heartburn among the Baloch across the border.

Infrastructure and Natural Wealth

The British added a telegraph line, the first in India, to their rapidly expanding communications infrastructure in
Balochistan. The military cantonments and the towns near them attracted immigrants from the plains who set
up small trading enterprises. And while the increased economic activity also drew in labor from the neighboring
provinces, Balochistan still remained a Baloch-majority province. The discovery of coal and copper deposits at
last justified the enormous expenses in cutting railway tunnels and building bridges all the way up to Iran and
Afghanistan. Oil and gas deposits added to the importance of Balochistan in British eyes and up to the Second
World War they were exploring the viability of an independent Balochistan. The Soviet victory over Nazi Germany
changed all that. Now a strong western ally was needed to keep the Godless communists away from the warm
waters of the Arabian Sea, and so the new state of Pakistan was allowed to steamroll into Balochistan.

The new rulers abruptly terminated the mining and gas extraction contracts with western companies and
renegotiated them to their own advantage, leaving only crumbs for the Baloch tribes. The tragic suffocation of
Baloch nationalism has been discussed above but even more tragic was the lack of interest shown by the
international community in this important region. This changed with the Afghan Jihad and the creation of a
moderate government in Afghanistan post 9/11.

The Chinese and American interests in developing infrastructure connecting Pakistan, Afghanistan and Central
Asia were active during the Taliban era. They had no trouble interacting with those extremists. And while
terrorism struck and wars were fought, business and strategic interests remained alive and kicking. So while
Chinese state-run enterprises develop ports like Gwadar and Ormara, American interests are at present guided
by defence needs. The Pakistani air bases like Pasni and Dalbandin are still at their command and it seems
like the Americans will remain there for some time to come.

The federal government in Pakistan seems to imagine that the development of ports and highways will ignite
the economy of their country and soothe feelings of alienation in Balochistan; however unless Pakistan
improves relations with Afghanistan and Iran all this activity may turn out to be just a lot of hot air. And unless the
same government cannot do justice to a section of its own people, the safety of pipelines and highway traffic will
remain under a cloud. The dealings of foreign powers with the federal government are naturally looked upon
with suspicion by the people in Balochistan. At the very least they insist on local employment in all projects by
foreign corporations, and guaranteed royalty payments to the local government or even directly to the tribes.
While the Baloch cannot influence the corporations through legitimate political methods, in a region awash with
arms and light artillery this is the only way to do business unhindered.

Summary & Future Prospects

Balochistan can be described as a rich province inhabited by a poor and illiterate population. Economic
opportunities are plentiful but largely untapped. That of course cannot be said for the mineral wealth of the
province.

1) Ownership of Assets

Balochistan sits on a large pool of gas reserves and ores of copper and iron. It produces more than half of
Pakistan’s coal and onyx. Unfortunately all this wealth is classed under national resources and is controlled by
the Punjabi-dominated federal government. Most of it is also consumed by industries outside the province. The
maps above depict the gas network in Pakistan under the two Sui Gas Companies, and it can be seen clearly
that Balochistan is poorly served by this network. The argument put forth is that because of the altitude, long
distance, and scattered population, it was not viable to build pipelines to service the people of Balochistan. They
instead are forced to buy and transport the more expensive LPG cylinders, which are a by-product at Sui. The
high prices ensure that few Balochis can actually afford this.

Now if Sui gas had been owned and run by an independent Balochistan, they would have first built a pipeline to
serve their people and would have sold the more expensive LPG to the Punjabis. The same parallel can be
seen in other industries and commercial areas; most jobs and contracts are cornered by Punjabis while the
Baloch have to be content with menial work.

2) Creating and Investing Capital

Another problem plaguing the Baloch is the lack of a robust financial infrastructure. They are unable to mobilize
the hard-earned savings of domestic and overseas workers. Most of the banks in the towns are based outside
the province, while the drugs trade has created a parallel and unregulated method of moving capital. If the
provincial government or any private group based in Balochistan opened banks serving the province exclusively,
such vast amounts of capital could be mobilized and used in an efficient manner. They could set their own
interest rates regime, issue bonds, and raise cheap capital from overseas.

Agriculture is a major employer of the people in Balochistan. However most of the produce is traded and sold in
raw form. Agro-processing, especially of fruits, would require such locally mobilized capital to be set up.
Education is another area to focus on. While ensuring primary and women’s education is a noble cause, given
the social setup in the province this seems to be an unachievable goal in the near future. Hence to create a
modern elite, priority needs to be given to higher and technical education.

Conclusion

What the people of Balochistan need most is a social and economic resurgence so that they can stand up and
be counted among Pakistan’s peoples. An increased participation of such ethnic minorities in Pakistani policy
making will be beneficial to the region, and will curb the reckless nature of the Punjabi elite. More than an
armed struggle, education and economic strength will earn them the respect and attention of the world powers.

Unfortunately unless Pakistan realizes that it is in its own interest to treat all provinces equally, the future looks
bleak. Since one province and ethnic group dominates all others, Pakistan is unlike any other country and it
must operate on its own unique system. Provinces must have a co-equal share in the decision-making process
of the federal government and they must have an exclusive ownership of assets to develop their respective
regions. If they choose to ignore such sane advice, the Pakistani elite may face the prospect of another civil war
that could sow the seeds of Pakistan’s destruction. If the voices of reason in Balochistan are ignored for too
long, the well-armed Baloch may resort to force in claiming their due. In making that choice the rulers of
Pakistan do not have the leisure of time.
Source: http://srirangan.net/india-defence/node/41