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| Baloch Society Of North America (BSO_NA) Baloch Society Of North America (BSO_NA) is Non-Profit Organization, working to unite and Organize all Baloch in North America, to expose the Occupation of our land (Balochistan) and exploitations of our resources by Pakistani and Iranian Governments, and to bring their Human Rights Violations in Balochistan into the world’s Notice. |
The Baloch options in Iran
By Dr. Naseer Dashti
March 10, 2007
Modern Iran is a state that has been riddled with continuous internal tension and deep differences amongst its
nationalities. This stems from the narrow Persian view that the militant Shia doctrine is the only objective and
authentic vessel of social identity. For this reason, the use of various languages and the practice of different
religions were not tolerated in Iran. Despite the false beliefs of the Iranian establishment that the Shia identity
would eventually supersede the national identities based on ethnic membership, ethnic identity remained strong in
most parts of the country throughout the history of modern Iran. The present Iran is the continuation of Qajar
Dynasty established in 1794, replaced by Pahlavi Dynasty in 1925 and by ayatollahs in 1979. The occupation of the
Baloch territory by the Persians was legalized through the treaty reached between Persian and British Empires in
1873 dividing Balochistan by an arbitrary drawn line known as Goldsmid Line. The Baloch in Iran are mainly
concentrated in southeastern and northeastern regions adjacent to other Baloch populated areas in Afghanistan
and Pakistan. The Baloch under Persian rule for a long period have been facing systematic repression and
discrimination, nevertheless, they have been resisting domination and cultural and political hegemony. Despite
occasional uprisings, many of them violent and explicitly with nationalist overtures, the Baloch national question in
Iran remain an unresolved problem -- for the Baloch as well as for the Persian nation-state. As the military
confrontation between the west and the present Iranian regime is eminent, many observers believe that there
certainly be political and geographical changes in the region where Baloch land is situated. Discussions and
debates among the conscious elements in Iranian part of Balochistan and the Baloch is Diaspora is going on to
adopt a viable policy for the Baloch national resistance in Iran.
In their zeal to establish a superfluous Persian identity for the Empire, and to achieve strict uniformity in social,
political and religious thoughts and approaches, the Baloch associations, schools, publications, religious, cultural
or political organizations and teaching institutions are being steadily targeted by state power, thus removing all
public vestiges of a separate Baloch identity. The Iranian authorities believe that there was to be one nation with
one language, namely the Persian and they view Balochi language as a Persian dialect that does need no
separate treatment. Baloch have been marginalized in all walks of state institutions. They could not be found in
armed forces, administrative hierarchy, in foreign ministries, in judiciary and other policy-making bodies of the
state. Other national minorities like Kurds, Azeris, Arabs and Turkmens in Iran are also facing the same situation.
The nature of relations between Persian Empire and Baloch is marked by sporadic armed conflicts erupted
throughout the period of occupation, the last organized battles were fought under the leadership of Mir Dost
Mohamed in 1928 resulting in the defeat of Baloch forces and the collapse of last Baloch principality in Western
Balochistan. The ever-present and ubiquitous will of the Baloch people for the overthrow of Persian yoke acquired
new dimension in 1970s. These were the peak years for the waves of national liberation and right of self-
determination were considered the basic rights of suppressed nationalities. The victories of the people in
Indochina and Africa over colonialism were the enlightening factors for oppressed peoples all over the world. A
short-lived nationalist government in Pakistani Balochistan in 1973 gave the necessary moral boost to the small
but flourishing nationalist movement in Western Balochistan. The other encouraging factor was the weakening grip
of Pahlavi dynasty and the eminent collapse of the monarchy. The Baloch were optimistic that the new Persian
rulers might concede some sort of autonomy to Balochistan and rectify some past brutalities. However, these
proved to be only a dream. In all practical terms, the oppressive integration-policies of Qajar and Pehlavi dynasties
were maintained and vigorously pursued by the ayatollahs. Many Baloch political activist were imprisoned, tortured
and killed by Islamic guards and thousands escaped to other parts of the world as refugees. In matters of
integration and suppression of minority nationalities, the new Persian Empire of ayatollahs had been pursuing the
same policies and similar methods of atrocities, assimilation, and integration prevalent between 1925 and 1979.
The processes of integration into nation-state have been a strongest lever in putting high pressures on the Baloch
to assimilate into a superfluous religio-nationalist Persian identity.
In the circumstances of last many decades the ability of the Baloch national sentiments in Pakistan and Iran to
survive extraordinary state repression are unprecedented. Although, the oppressive forms of homogenization and
integration have been painful for the Baloch in Iran, the state efforts did not succeed in every respect. Baloch
identity and nationalism has a strong emotional appeal and an equally strong politically mobilizing potential. The
Baloch have been resisting and they resisted because they were aware of the fact that in failing to resist the
exigencies of the Persian state, the outcome of painful integration and acculturation would have been the loss of
their sacred land, traditions and cultural values. The Baloch in Iran have been endeavouring to formulate strategies
of the resistance to challenge the cultural, political, economical and linguistic hegemony of the Persian Empire
whether it was the Shah or the ayatollahs. In the prevailing circumstances of increased Persian pressures, the
Baloch have only limited options. First is the option of loyalty that is the willingness to assimilate into Persian
identity and become Farsi or Farsi-ban, or Gajar as the Baloch call them and in other words, giving up their
historical identity as a proud nation. The second option for the Baloch is to negotiate for limited autonomy in
linguistic, religious or local political matters. The last option available for the Baloch is the option to exit which
consists in a rejection of the dominant nationalism and the existing nation-state, and a consequent attempt to set
up their state.
The observers on the history of the region are stressing that the Baloch should not be unmindful of the fact that Iran
or countries occupying the Baloch land, in the years to come, will further consolidate their hold on the Baloch land
and will never agree to give any kind of self-rule to the Baloch or recognize their genuine rights. The Baloch had
very bitter experiences with the Gajar and Pahlavi dynasties. The Baloch demands for self-rule constitute a
democratic pursuit that is incompatible with the despotism and religious-based nationalism of Shiite Iran. The
saner elements among the Baloch are in the firm opinion that for the Baloch in Iran it is always suicidal to bank or
rely on the reasonableness of the Iranian authorities. History has sufficiently warned against such error in
judgment. By all calculations, it is out of question that the Persians could be convinced to grant Baloch any kind of
autonomy with out a serious and sustained struggle. It is alien to Iranian sense of nationalism and religious
inflexibility to agree to any kind of political harmony that may show any weakness. It is unthinkable on the part of the
Persian religious nationalism to give any impression even implicitly that any part of the erstwhile great Persian
Empire of the Cyrus the Great should be conceded to the Baloch people. It is against the Shiite Psyche of religious
fundamentalism to bow before the wishes of a national minority in the empire of the ayatollahs. On the other hand,
it is also not in Baloch genetic code to surrender its identity and its land and resources under duress, it is
unthinkable for a Baloch to be assimilated in the wider Persian identity.
Therefore, the only option left for the Baloch in Iran is to struggle for a nation-state stressing on the UN principle of
right of self-determination which guarantees that the rulers must come from the people ruled. New dimensions are
being witnessed in international affairs since the fatal events in September 2001 which are developing some sort
of hope among the oppressed nationalities in Islamic and fundamentalist states. If only 50% percent policy
statements from the western official circles are to be taken seriously then it became obvious that in near future the
situation in some of the countries where Baloch are living will be drastically changed. There will definitely be
political, strategic as well geographical changes in the region. The destruction, demilitarization or weakening of the
Persian state institutions and military apparatus is among the prime objectives of the western alliance.
In response to the prolonged efforts based on ethnocide of the Baloch nation in Iran, a strong ideological and
political revitalization current in recent decades has been building up in Iranian Balochistan. Many among the
Baloch believe that the present situation is a god given opportunity for the Baloch in Iran. The Baloch should use
the important opportunity arose in the political and strategic scenario of this region as an aftermath of the terrorist
attack in America to realize their centuries-old dream and accomplish the task with all their strength regardless of
certain subjective inadequacies in the people and the leadership. Majority of the Baloch political activists in Iran
and Diaspora are stressing that the Baloch in Iran should out rightly reject the idea for a struggle with the attitude
as to reduce it for a demonstration for economic demands, without laying emphasis on the national and historical
aspects of the Baloch national question. They are in the opinion of a struggle with the clear-cut aim of establishing
a separate geographical entity for the Baloch.
The Baloch political activists in Iranian Balochistan and in Europe are feeling an emergent need that efforts should
be made on emergency footings to form a ‘National Front’ of all nationalist forces. A few years back, the formation
of Balochistan United Front of Iran by different political groups in exile was considered a welcome sign; however, it
failed to deliver and soon disintegrated. It is imperative to understand the ground realities of international polity and
formation of a national front of all nationalist forces in Balochistan and Diaspora should be given priority again.
Baloch masses must be given a clear target and it should be the insistence on the right of self-determination. The
national front should be instrumental in bringing about a sustained coordination between armed resistance in Iran
and political activities abroad. Fundamental among other tasks of the national front should be to strive for the
negation of any kind of religious connection with the Baloch national resistance in Iran. In the fight against
repression, it is also fundamental to identify and announce boldly the friends and foes. It should be clearly and
loudly declared that the Baloch are on the side of the international forces fighting against religious fundamentalism
and terrorism. The National Front of Baloch patriots should be of the conviction that both political and economic
powers are inalienable rights of the people of Balochistan. Its mission therefore should be to contribute to the task
of total political and economic liberation of Balochistan. The Baloch United Front of Iranian nationalists should
struggle against the opportunist ideas, which justify capitulation. Perhaps it is the proper time for the present
generation of Iranian Baloch to discover its mission, to exploit the prevailing international situation in favour of the
Baloch nationalism, and to fulfil the mission of emancipation from foreign hegemony.
By Dr. Naseer Dashti
March 10, 2007
Modern Iran is a state that has been riddled with continuous internal tension and deep differences amongst its
nationalities. This stems from the narrow Persian view that the militant Shia doctrine is the only objective and
authentic vessel of social identity. For this reason, the use of various languages and the practice of different
religions were not tolerated in Iran. Despite the false beliefs of the Iranian establishment that the Shia identity
would eventually supersede the national identities based on ethnic membership, ethnic identity remained strong in
most parts of the country throughout the history of modern Iran. The present Iran is the continuation of Qajar
Dynasty established in 1794, replaced by Pahlavi Dynasty in 1925 and by ayatollahs in 1979. The occupation of the
Baloch territory by the Persians was legalized through the treaty reached between Persian and British Empires in
1873 dividing Balochistan by an arbitrary drawn line known as Goldsmid Line. The Baloch in Iran are mainly
concentrated in southeastern and northeastern regions adjacent to other Baloch populated areas in Afghanistan
and Pakistan. The Baloch under Persian rule for a long period have been facing systematic repression and
discrimination, nevertheless, they have been resisting domination and cultural and political hegemony. Despite
occasional uprisings, many of them violent and explicitly with nationalist overtures, the Baloch national question in
Iran remain an unresolved problem -- for the Baloch as well as for the Persian nation-state. As the military
confrontation between the west and the present Iranian regime is eminent, many observers believe that there
certainly be political and geographical changes in the region where Baloch land is situated. Discussions and
debates among the conscious elements in Iranian part of Balochistan and the Baloch is Diaspora is going on to
adopt a viable policy for the Baloch national resistance in Iran.
In their zeal to establish a superfluous Persian identity for the Empire, and to achieve strict uniformity in social,
political and religious thoughts and approaches, the Baloch associations, schools, publications, religious, cultural
or political organizations and teaching institutions are being steadily targeted by state power, thus removing all
public vestiges of a separate Baloch identity. The Iranian authorities believe that there was to be one nation with
one language, namely the Persian and they view Balochi language as a Persian dialect that does need no
separate treatment. Baloch have been marginalized in all walks of state institutions. They could not be found in
armed forces, administrative hierarchy, in foreign ministries, in judiciary and other policy-making bodies of the
state. Other national minorities like Kurds, Azeris, Arabs and Turkmens in Iran are also facing the same situation.
The nature of relations between Persian Empire and Baloch is marked by sporadic armed conflicts erupted
throughout the period of occupation, the last organized battles were fought under the leadership of Mir Dost
Mohamed in 1928 resulting in the defeat of Baloch forces and the collapse of last Baloch principality in Western
Balochistan. The ever-present and ubiquitous will of the Baloch people for the overthrow of Persian yoke acquired
new dimension in 1970s. These were the peak years for the waves of national liberation and right of self-
determination were considered the basic rights of suppressed nationalities. The victories of the people in
Indochina and Africa over colonialism were the enlightening factors for oppressed peoples all over the world. A
short-lived nationalist government in Pakistani Balochistan in 1973 gave the necessary moral boost to the small
but flourishing nationalist movement in Western Balochistan. The other encouraging factor was the weakening grip
of Pahlavi dynasty and the eminent collapse of the monarchy. The Baloch were optimistic that the new Persian
rulers might concede some sort of autonomy to Balochistan and rectify some past brutalities. However, these
proved to be only a dream. In all practical terms, the oppressive integration-policies of Qajar and Pehlavi dynasties
were maintained and vigorously pursued by the ayatollahs. Many Baloch political activist were imprisoned, tortured
and killed by Islamic guards and thousands escaped to other parts of the world as refugees. In matters of
integration and suppression of minority nationalities, the new Persian Empire of ayatollahs had been pursuing the
same policies and similar methods of atrocities, assimilation, and integration prevalent between 1925 and 1979.
The processes of integration into nation-state have been a strongest lever in putting high pressures on the Baloch
to assimilate into a superfluous religio-nationalist Persian identity.
In the circumstances of last many decades the ability of the Baloch national sentiments in Pakistan and Iran to
survive extraordinary state repression are unprecedented. Although, the oppressive forms of homogenization and
integration have been painful for the Baloch in Iran, the state efforts did not succeed in every respect. Baloch
identity and nationalism has a strong emotional appeal and an equally strong politically mobilizing potential. The
Baloch have been resisting and they resisted because they were aware of the fact that in failing to resist the
exigencies of the Persian state, the outcome of painful integration and acculturation would have been the loss of
their sacred land, traditions and cultural values. The Baloch in Iran have been endeavouring to formulate strategies
of the resistance to challenge the cultural, political, economical and linguistic hegemony of the Persian Empire
whether it was the Shah or the ayatollahs. In the prevailing circumstances of increased Persian pressures, the
Baloch have only limited options. First is the option of loyalty that is the willingness to assimilate into Persian
identity and become Farsi or Farsi-ban, or Gajar as the Baloch call them and in other words, giving up their
historical identity as a proud nation. The second option for the Baloch is to negotiate for limited autonomy in
linguistic, religious or local political matters. The last option available for the Baloch is the option to exit which
consists in a rejection of the dominant nationalism and the existing nation-state, and a consequent attempt to set
up their state.
The observers on the history of the region are stressing that the Baloch should not be unmindful of the fact that Iran
or countries occupying the Baloch land, in the years to come, will further consolidate their hold on the Baloch land
and will never agree to give any kind of self-rule to the Baloch or recognize their genuine rights. The Baloch had
very bitter experiences with the Gajar and Pahlavi dynasties. The Baloch demands for self-rule constitute a
democratic pursuit that is incompatible with the despotism and religious-based nationalism of Shiite Iran. The
saner elements among the Baloch are in the firm opinion that for the Baloch in Iran it is always suicidal to bank or
rely on the reasonableness of the Iranian authorities. History has sufficiently warned against such error in
judgment. By all calculations, it is out of question that the Persians could be convinced to grant Baloch any kind of
autonomy with out a serious and sustained struggle. It is alien to Iranian sense of nationalism and religious
inflexibility to agree to any kind of political harmony that may show any weakness. It is unthinkable on the part of the
Persian religious nationalism to give any impression even implicitly that any part of the erstwhile great Persian
Empire of the Cyrus the Great should be conceded to the Baloch people. It is against the Shiite Psyche of religious
fundamentalism to bow before the wishes of a national minority in the empire of the ayatollahs. On the other hand,
it is also not in Baloch genetic code to surrender its identity and its land and resources under duress, it is
unthinkable for a Baloch to be assimilated in the wider Persian identity.
Therefore, the only option left for the Baloch in Iran is to struggle for a nation-state stressing on the UN principle of
right of self-determination which guarantees that the rulers must come from the people ruled. New dimensions are
being witnessed in international affairs since the fatal events in September 2001 which are developing some sort
of hope among the oppressed nationalities in Islamic and fundamentalist states. If only 50% percent policy
statements from the western official circles are to be taken seriously then it became obvious that in near future the
situation in some of the countries where Baloch are living will be drastically changed. There will definitely be
political, strategic as well geographical changes in the region. The destruction, demilitarization or weakening of the
Persian state institutions and military apparatus is among the prime objectives of the western alliance.
In response to the prolonged efforts based on ethnocide of the Baloch nation in Iran, a strong ideological and
political revitalization current in recent decades has been building up in Iranian Balochistan. Many among the
Baloch believe that the present situation is a god given opportunity for the Baloch in Iran. The Baloch should use
the important opportunity arose in the political and strategic scenario of this region as an aftermath of the terrorist
attack in America to realize their centuries-old dream and accomplish the task with all their strength regardless of
certain subjective inadequacies in the people and the leadership. Majority of the Baloch political activists in Iran
and Diaspora are stressing that the Baloch in Iran should out rightly reject the idea for a struggle with the attitude
as to reduce it for a demonstration for economic demands, without laying emphasis on the national and historical
aspects of the Baloch national question. They are in the opinion of a struggle with the clear-cut aim of establishing
a separate geographical entity for the Baloch.
The Baloch political activists in Iranian Balochistan and in Europe are feeling an emergent need that efforts should
be made on emergency footings to form a ‘National Front’ of all nationalist forces. A few years back, the formation
of Balochistan United Front of Iran by different political groups in exile was considered a welcome sign; however, it
failed to deliver and soon disintegrated. It is imperative to understand the ground realities of international polity and
formation of a national front of all nationalist forces in Balochistan and Diaspora should be given priority again.
Baloch masses must be given a clear target and it should be the insistence on the right of self-determination. The
national front should be instrumental in bringing about a sustained coordination between armed resistance in Iran
and political activities abroad. Fundamental among other tasks of the national front should be to strive for the
negation of any kind of religious connection with the Baloch national resistance in Iran. In the fight against
repression, it is also fundamental to identify and announce boldly the friends and foes. It should be clearly and
loudly declared that the Baloch are on the side of the international forces fighting against religious fundamentalism
and terrorism. The National Front of Baloch patriots should be of the conviction that both political and economic
powers are inalienable rights of the people of Balochistan. Its mission therefore should be to contribute to the task
of total political and economic liberation of Balochistan. The Baloch United Front of Iranian nationalists should
struggle against the opportunist ideas, which justify capitulation. Perhaps it is the proper time for the present
generation of Iranian Baloch to discover its mission, to exploit the prevailing international situation in favour of the
Baloch nationalism, and to fulfil the mission of emancipation from foreign hegemony.
By Dr. Naseer Dashti
(Presented at the foreign Policy Centre Seminar on 4th December, 2006)
The primary aspect of Baloch Pakistan relations has been the dispute over the legitimacy of accession of
Baloch State with Pakistan. In the wake of British withdrawal from South Asia, Baloch declared their
independence on August 13, 1947. Immediately elections were held for a bicameral parliament, beginning a
new democratic political system in Baloch land. However, with the help of British colonial administration in
India, a portion of Baloch land, which was leased out by Baloch State to British government during Anglo-Afghan
wars, was incorporated in to Pakistan under the pretext of a controversial referendum. Protests against this
action were totally ignored by the colonial administration in New Delhi. Soon Pakistan began to employ different
pressure tactics for coercing Balochistan to merge in to newfound religious state. When in April 1948 Pakistani
troops entered Balochistan from north and south, the ruler of Baloch State under pressure signed an
agreement of accession with Pakistan. This was against the will of Baloch people expressed by both houses of
their parliament. In a Baloch perspective, it is the illegal occupation of their land.
The second aspect is the doctrine of Islamic brother-hood and strong centre tradition. Legal, cultural, social and
economic systems put in place by state ignored or contradicted pre-existing social, political and cultural
systems of Baloch and other minority nationalities. The newfound religious state of Pakistan adopted the
concept of Islamic Nation, identified with strong centre tradition. With the help of army, a single nationality
emerged as the only manipulator of state power. Baloch and other nationalities were kept at the periphery of
state power structures. The concepts of Islamic brother-hood, Pakistani Islamic nation and strong centre
doctrine were used as the tools for subjugating other nationalities and exploiting their cultural, linguistic and
social traditions. Army institution as the protector of ideological boundaries of the state was declared sacred.
Any discussion about the role of army, Islamic nation-hood and strong centre were regarded sins as big as
blasphemy and treason.
Use of ruthless military power is a permanent feature of Baloch Pakistan relations. The soldiers were the first to
arrive in Balochistan. It became the sacred and God given task of Pakistani army to protect the backward and
politically ‘immature’ Baloch people from the “exploitation, tyranny and corruption” of their tribal, social and
political leaders. The army launched major offensives in Balochistan during 1948, 1958, 1962, 1973 killing
thousands of Baloch women, children and elderly people. The recent military aggression in Balochistan is the
continuation of that policy; nevertheless, it surpasses all previous military aggressions in its intensity and
ruthlessness. The recent threats of physical elimination of Baloch by General Musharaf are the repetition of
such threats by earlier military rulers.
Once the military control was established, a system of 'indirect colonial rule' was employed in Balochistan. A
small, carefully selected group of Baloch who were loyal to Pakistani establishment exercised limited powers in
the province on behalf of centre. The state intelligence agencies selected, instructed and often co-opted these
figureheads. Beginning from 70s a new and previously unknown breed of elite, the ‘religious leaders’, was
created in a secular Baloch society and was also incorporated in the schema of ruling Balochistan by proxy.
During the last 60 years, the genuine Baloch leadership was allowed to govern the province only for few
months. It is noteworthy that recognised leadership of Baloch masses were kept in prisons during 50s, 60s
and 70s under the pretext of being anti-state, and anti-development.
One of the hallmarks of the relationship between Pakistani state and Balochistan is the settlement of people
from majority nationality in to various regions of Balochistan in order to bring state sponsored demographic
changes. Consequently, many townships in Balochistan are increasingly becoming settler dominated. Baloch
identity of many towns including capital city Quetta has been replaced by the identity of a settler society. The
exploitation of oil and petroleum reserves and the recognition of Gwadur port as a potential economic and
commercial centre has encouraged a whole range of planned colonization schemes to attract investors and
migrants to the region.
Systematic developmental aggression is another hallmark of Baloch Pakistan relations. This developmental
aggression is the ruthless exploitation of Baloch natural resources in the name of development and is at the
expense of Baloch economic interests and for the benefit of dominating nationality. The exploitative economic
measures taken by the state for the last many decades had produced devastating results. The lives of millions
of Baloch are characterised by poverty and majority of them are living below the poverty line.
Cultural exploitation of Baloch is another aspect of Baloch Pakistan relations. It is the sacred mission of
Pakistani army and civilian establishment to ‘civilize’ the ‘uncivilized’ Baloch. The Baloch socio-cultural and
political systems are being destroyed or corrupted in a systematic and organized way. Alien cultural traditions
are being imposed at the expense of traditional Baloch social values. A north Indian language (Urdu) has been
imposed as national language and language of instruction in educational institutions. The state media is very
busy in portraying Baloch as primitive and tribal. Tribalism has been the basis of Baloch social organization but
the state establishment always portrays the tribe as a concept to denote backwardness or primitiveness.
Intertwined with the tradition of economic exploitation in the disguise of development is the concept of Muslim
brother-hood and of making Baloch perfect Muslims. State establishment made organized attempts, to bring
religion into a prominent position in a secular Baloch society. In this regard, large numbers of religious schools
are being financed in every corner of Balochistan to convert the 'ignorant Baloch into perfect Pakistani Muslims'
and save them from ‘eternal damnation’. A culture of religious narrow mindedness is being forced upon Baloch
masses. This 'colonisation of the mind' has important implications. Replacing a traditional social belief system
of a people by an alternative frame of reference often amounts to changing the entire identity of a people. In a
Baloch perspective, this is an attempt to dilute their national resistance and to justify the exploitation of cultural
and natural resources of Baloch people in the name of Islam.
Violation of basic human rights of Baloch is the most painful aspect of Baloch Pakistan relations. Extra judicial
killings, harassment, kidnapping and inhuman torture of Baloch leaders, political activists and intellectuals are
the normal state responses to Baloch political mobilization. The situation of Baloch remains grave and
alarming. They are living a life at gunpoint in the shadows of inhuman atrocities by the most atrocious state in
the contemporary world. Their very survival as a nation is threatened by distortion of their history, colonization
through forced occupation, militarization, and policies and designs aimed at submerging them in the cultures
and national identity of the religious fundamentalist state.
Marginalization of Baloch, ruthless and frequent military operations by state and Baloch demand for national
rights are the characteristics of Baloch Pakistan relations. Baloch universally share the perception that as a
nation they are at the verge of being extinct. Baloch took up arms when left with no other options as peaceful
demands for national rights were responded with ruthless military force. They have chosen the option to fight to
be alive rather being submissive to be extinct. In this perspective, the national resistance of Baloch is their
struggle for human rights, honour, identity and freedom. The spirit of love for their national identity and socio-
cultural values are the guiding force of Baloch national resistance and it continues to fuel their struggle despite
their limited resources. Baloch consider self-determination as their collective right and the very foundation of the
enjoyment of their civil, political, economic, cultural and social rights.
The response of international community has been one of criminal silence towards the physical and
cultural genocide of Baloch people. The silence on the use of sophisticated and lethal weapons and
indiscriminate aerial bombardment and shameless murders of Baloch political leaders by Pakistani army
cannot be justified on the pretext of Pakistan being an ally in the war on terrorism. It is imperative that
international community should consider the plight of Baloch people in a human perspective. It should take
immediate actions before it is too late for Baloch. Resolution of Baloch-Pakistan conflict is linked with the
right of self-determination under the charter of United Nations.
Realted Links:
(Presented at the foreign Policy Centre Seminar on 4th December, 2006)
The primary aspect of Baloch Pakistan relations has been the dispute over the legitimacy of accession of
Baloch State with Pakistan. In the wake of British withdrawal from South Asia, Baloch declared their
independence on August 13, 1947. Immediately elections were held for a bicameral parliament, beginning a
new democratic political system in Baloch land. However, with the help of British colonial administration in
India, a portion of Baloch land, which was leased out by Baloch State to British government during Anglo-Afghan
wars, was incorporated in to Pakistan under the pretext of a controversial referendum. Protests against this
action were totally ignored by the colonial administration in New Delhi. Soon Pakistan began to employ different
pressure tactics for coercing Balochistan to merge in to newfound religious state. When in April 1948 Pakistani
troops entered Balochistan from north and south, the ruler of Baloch State under pressure signed an
agreement of accession with Pakistan. This was against the will of Baloch people expressed by both houses of
their parliament. In a Baloch perspective, it is the illegal occupation of their land.
The second aspect is the doctrine of Islamic brother-hood and strong centre tradition. Legal, cultural, social and
economic systems put in place by state ignored or contradicted pre-existing social, political and cultural
systems of Baloch and other minority nationalities. The newfound religious state of Pakistan adopted the
concept of Islamic Nation, identified with strong centre tradition. With the help of army, a single nationality
emerged as the only manipulator of state power. Baloch and other nationalities were kept at the periphery of
state power structures. The concepts of Islamic brother-hood, Pakistani Islamic nation and strong centre
doctrine were used as the tools for subjugating other nationalities and exploiting their cultural, linguistic and
social traditions. Army institution as the protector of ideological boundaries of the state was declared sacred.
Any discussion about the role of army, Islamic nation-hood and strong centre were regarded sins as big as
blasphemy and treason.
Use of ruthless military power is a permanent feature of Baloch Pakistan relations. The soldiers were the first to
arrive in Balochistan. It became the sacred and God given task of Pakistani army to protect the backward and
politically ‘immature’ Baloch people from the “exploitation, tyranny and corruption” of their tribal, social and
political leaders. The army launched major offensives in Balochistan during 1948, 1958, 1962, 1973 killing
thousands of Baloch women, children and elderly people. The recent military aggression in Balochistan is the
continuation of that policy; nevertheless, it surpasses all previous military aggressions in its intensity and
ruthlessness. The recent threats of physical elimination of Baloch by General Musharaf are the repetition of
such threats by earlier military rulers.
Once the military control was established, a system of 'indirect colonial rule' was employed in Balochistan. A
small, carefully selected group of Baloch who were loyal to Pakistani establishment exercised limited powers in
the province on behalf of centre. The state intelligence agencies selected, instructed and often co-opted these
figureheads. Beginning from 70s a new and previously unknown breed of elite, the ‘religious leaders’, was
created in a secular Baloch society and was also incorporated in the schema of ruling Balochistan by proxy.
During the last 60 years, the genuine Baloch leadership was allowed to govern the province only for few
months. It is noteworthy that recognised leadership of Baloch masses were kept in prisons during 50s, 60s
and 70s under the pretext of being anti-state, and anti-development.
One of the hallmarks of the relationship between Pakistani state and Balochistan is the settlement of people
from majority nationality in to various regions of Balochistan in order to bring state sponsored demographic
changes. Consequently, many townships in Balochistan are increasingly becoming settler dominated. Baloch
identity of many towns including capital city Quetta has been replaced by the identity of a settler society. The
exploitation of oil and petroleum reserves and the recognition of Gwadur port as a potential economic and
commercial centre has encouraged a whole range of planned colonization schemes to attract investors and
migrants to the region.
Systematic developmental aggression is another hallmark of Baloch Pakistan relations. This developmental
aggression is the ruthless exploitation of Baloch natural resources in the name of development and is at the
expense of Baloch economic interests and for the benefit of dominating nationality. The exploitative economic
measures taken by the state for the last many decades had produced devastating results. The lives of millions
of Baloch are characterised by poverty and majority of them are living below the poverty line.
Cultural exploitation of Baloch is another aspect of Baloch Pakistan relations. It is the sacred mission of
Pakistani army and civilian establishment to ‘civilize’ the ‘uncivilized’ Baloch. The Baloch socio-cultural and
political systems are being destroyed or corrupted in a systematic and organized way. Alien cultural traditions
are being imposed at the expense of traditional Baloch social values. A north Indian language (Urdu) has been
imposed as national language and language of instruction in educational institutions. The state media is very
busy in portraying Baloch as primitive and tribal. Tribalism has been the basis of Baloch social organization but
the state establishment always portrays the tribe as a concept to denote backwardness or primitiveness.
Intertwined with the tradition of economic exploitation in the disguise of development is the concept of Muslim
brother-hood and of making Baloch perfect Muslims. State establishment made organized attempts, to bring
religion into a prominent position in a secular Baloch society. In this regard, large numbers of religious schools
are being financed in every corner of Balochistan to convert the 'ignorant Baloch into perfect Pakistani Muslims'
and save them from ‘eternal damnation’. A culture of religious narrow mindedness is being forced upon Baloch
masses. This 'colonisation of the mind' has important implications. Replacing a traditional social belief system
of a people by an alternative frame of reference often amounts to changing the entire identity of a people. In a
Baloch perspective, this is an attempt to dilute their national resistance and to justify the exploitation of cultural
and natural resources of Baloch people in the name of Islam.
Violation of basic human rights of Baloch is the most painful aspect of Baloch Pakistan relations. Extra judicial
killings, harassment, kidnapping and inhuman torture of Baloch leaders, political activists and intellectuals are
the normal state responses to Baloch political mobilization. The situation of Baloch remains grave and
alarming. They are living a life at gunpoint in the shadows of inhuman atrocities by the most atrocious state in
the contemporary world. Their very survival as a nation is threatened by distortion of their history, colonization
through forced occupation, militarization, and policies and designs aimed at submerging them in the cultures
and national identity of the religious fundamentalist state.
Marginalization of Baloch, ruthless and frequent military operations by state and Baloch demand for national
rights are the characteristics of Baloch Pakistan relations. Baloch universally share the perception that as a
nation they are at the verge of being extinct. Baloch took up arms when left with no other options as peaceful
demands for national rights were responded with ruthless military force. They have chosen the option to fight to
be alive rather being submissive to be extinct. In this perspective, the national resistance of Baloch is their
struggle for human rights, honour, identity and freedom. The spirit of love for their national identity and socio-
cultural values are the guiding force of Baloch national resistance and it continues to fuel their struggle despite
their limited resources. Baloch consider self-determination as their collective right and the very foundation of the
enjoyment of their civil, political, economic, cultural and social rights.
The response of international community has been one of criminal silence towards the physical and
cultural genocide of Baloch people. The silence on the use of sophisticated and lethal weapons and
indiscriminate aerial bombardment and shameless murders of Baloch political leaders by Pakistani army
cannot be justified on the pretext of Pakistan being an ally in the war on terrorism. It is imperative that
international community should consider the plight of Baloch people in a human perspective. It should take
immediate actions before it is too late for Baloch. Resolution of Baloch-Pakistan conflict is linked with the
right of self-determination under the charter of United Nations.
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